इतिहास में
ए.पी.जे. अब्दुल कलाम
1931–2015
DRDO और इसरो के 'मिसाइल मैन', फिर 2002-07 में NDA-UPA की आम सहमति से राष्ट्रपति। लाभ के पद विधेयक को पुनर्विचार के लिए लौटाया — उनका इकलौता असली संस्थागत क़दम — जबकि ज़्यादातर दया याचिकाएँ अनिर्णीत छोड़ीं, ऐसे राष्ट्रपति-पद में जो टकराव नहीं, सहमति पर टिका था।
बीच से सबसे दूर राष्ट्र पर — बहुलतावादी की तरफ़।
ये कहाँ खड़े हैं
ए.पी.जे. अब्दुल कलाम सातों पैमानों पर, एक छोर से दूसरे छोर तक।
रिकॉर्ड, पैमाने दर पैमाने
हर जगह इस आधार पर तय हुई है कि क्या कहा और क्या किया गया — घोषणापत्र, क़ानून, सरकार चलाने का रिकॉर्ड — और उन्हीं सवालों पर परखी गई है जो यह क्विज़ पूछता है।
सबूत का हवाला अंग्रेज़ी में
His 'India 2020' and PURA (Providing Urban Amenities in Rural Areas) writings framed rural infrastructure as a national mission, but as President he held no budget power and never fought a welfare-policy battle; this axis's issue space is thin for him by the office's design
A DRDO/ISRO career built entirely inside state-directed technological missions, but with no stated position on ownership or planning as a policy question — thin, not invented
No record; a studiously above-the-fray presidency on caste and quota questions
A practising Muslim who read the Bhagavad Gita and played the veena, a performed personal pluralism rather than a policy record; his one concrete act was a 12 August 2002 visit to Gujarat — his first trip outside Delhi after taking office — where he visited Sabarmati Ashram, directed the state government to arrange relief and rehabilitation, and called the riots 'an aberration that should never happen', but he was reportedly dissuaded by the Modi government from visiting Muslim relief camps and did not press the point publicly
First President to return a bill for reconsideration — the Parliament (Prevention of Disqualification) Amendment Bill, 30 May 2006, questioning its retrospective effect to 1959 — but assented once Parliament repassed it unchanged in August. Acted on only around two of some 24–27 pending mercy petitions (one rejection, one commutation for Assam's Mahendra Nath Das), leaving the rest undecided through to the end of his term, while stating a personal view that the death penalty carried a class bias against 'the poorest of the poor'
Never married, moved between Islamic scripture, the Gita and Carnatic music personally, but built no policy position from it — a personally unconventional life with no legislative or campaigning record on personal autonomy
No record of exercising or commenting on Article 356, Governors, or Centre-state disputes during his term
और आप कहाँ खड़े हैं?
यही सवाल ख़ुद हल कीजिए और अपनी सात रीडिंग पाइए — उन्हीं पैमानों पर, जो आपने अभी पढ़े।
मुफ़्त · बिना पहचान · अकाउंट नहीं
